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Walter Lippmann 1417

Biden-Harris and Cuba

4 years ago Translations
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Great Expectations, Failed Expectations

Biden-Harris and Cuba

By Domingo Amuchastegui
March 31, 2021
Translated by Walter Lippmann for CubaNews.

For many Cubans, last November’s election results in the United States were loaded with great expectations. The economic war imposed by Trump with its devastating effects was to come to an end and with the Biden-Harris binomial in the White House -it was apparently the most logical thing to think- the dynamics of normalization of relations between Cuba and the US initiated in 2014 would be resumed. Biden and his advisors had actively participated in that dynamic and the premises to resume the process interrupted by Trump. However, at this point, those great expectations do not appear on today’s horizons or in more distant scenarios.

Almost 100 days into the inaugural 100 Days, the Biden-Harris binomial has not lifted a finger to partially or completely reverse the set of economic and political-diplomatic attackers launched by Trump against the Cuban authorities. They have not even taken a step to fulfill the three steps they promised to undertake immediately (reestablish diplomatic and consular presence, family reunification processes and the normal sending of remittances). It has been argued by some specialists that the Cuba issue is neither important nor a priority for the Democratic agenda. If this were so -given its insignificance- it could be resolved quickly and with the stroke of a pen. But, the issue is more complex and of greater relevance.

To the proposals of a hundred or so members of Congress advocating a restart of the normalization process and carrying it through to its ultimate consequences, he has so far not given them the slightest attention or consideration. They have been sent to the usual “freezer” or usual procedure to “kill” the legislative proposals that do not interest the system or the situation.

In addition, the Biden-Harris administration is now seeking to “revive” the case of the “Havana syndrome,” a chapter that was cleared up a long time ago, even in Trump’s own time. If he could not prove and legitimize before the world any guilt on the part of the Cuban authorities, what sense does this measure make now?

To this is strung together a curious congressional proposal promoted by well-known Senators Bob Menendez (NJ) and Marco Rubio (FL) with some bipartisan backing. It is a meticulously elaborated plan, in great detail, articulating an articulated body of pressures, restrictions and sanctions on the Nicaraguan government in order to force it to accept the convocation of an electoral process, to the liking and design of these senators.

And why against Nicaragua, the weakest link of the “troika” so characterized by John Bolton at the time? Nicaragua would be the “laboratory,” from whose effectiveness would emerge its application to the cases of Venezuela and Cuba, the cases that most interest these influential senators. It remains to be seen whether or not the “freezer” resource will be applied. The proposal also assures the approval of their electoral bases and the approval of powerful Cuban-American political-economic interests.

Faced with such tendencies, it is legitimate to ask: Is the Cuba of today diametrically different and opposite to the one that Blinken, Mayorkas, Kerry and others of the current Biden team knew in detail, including the Cuban leaders? Except for the devastating effects of the Trump era mentioned above, Cuba, its situation and authorities are the same. It could even be added that positive reform factors are present that were not present in 2014. What cataclysms or dramatic turns have taken place in Cuba for the new administration to have the handling of the Cuba issue in a situation of prolonged quarantine until now? None. Conveniences and domestic policy objectives, and first and foremost the dispute to win Florida for 2022/2024, seem to explain these courses of action.

To culminate this flow of hostile currents to the normalization of relations, a kilometric report on human rights violations in Cuba, signed by its Secretary Antony Blinken, emerges from the State Department. It includes a string of accusations including extrajudicial executions, disappearances, torture, etc., etc., which seem to configure a case worthy of Nuremberg…

The sources are almost entirely those opposition organizations trained and paid by the US (as can be documented in US government sources). There are in the Cuban case reprehensible and debatable objections in several areas of freedom of association and expression and other issues, but the monumental dossier of monstrosities pointed out in Blinken’s report would seem to be a Hollywood script of the worst, if not a fabulous fabrication of little or no credibility. Blinken seems to forget that all the opponents with whom President Obama met during his visit are still there, in perfect physical condition, writing whatever they want, surfing the cyberspace and waging war with their statements, trips abroad and denunciations, that the UNPACU and the Ferrer brothers continue distributing their little bags of food to gain support, Yoani Sanchez continues with 14 ½, the Catholic clergy makes its criticisms and among the revolutionaries we also find all kinds of criticisms.

And these issues -difficult and controversial- the Cuban authorities discuss them in a civilized manner with the European Union within the framework of Political Dialogue and Cooperation (from which the United States could learn a little), they seek consensus and agreements. If the Cuba described in Blinken’s report were true with its extrajudicial executions, torture, disappearances, etc., why has it been actively contributing to the peace processes from Central America to Colombia? Why do the Lima Group, Norway, Canada and Spain seek its mediating contribution? If it were the Cuba that Blinken is trying to “sell” now, how would he explain that three Popes visited Cuba in the last 20 years and chose, by mutual agreement with the Metropolitan of Moscow, Havana (and not Paris, Rome or Geneva) to host their first meeting at the highest level after the Great Schism of Christianity more than a thousand years ago?

So why does the Biden-Harris pairing now assume such a course? If George H.W. Bush in 1989 was able to proclaim the victory of the United States -with God’s favor, as he proclaimed- now the Democratic team, based on a sure assessment that “the Cuban regime” is facing the most critical stage of its existence that foreshadows a possible collapse. In view of this -they seem to calculate- it would not make sense for the White House to plan to resume the process that Obama initiated. To do so -it is understood- would provide the Cuban authorities with sufficient political-diplomatic and economic oxygen to refloat their system.

The benefits of this reasoning would ensure -as perceived- a solid backing of Cuban-American and Latino voters in Florida while on a hemispheric scale it would be a very serious setback for the so-called “pink wave” of center-left options and other radical nuances, especially for the civil-military government of Maduro in Venezuela, a certain version of “domino theory.”

It is worth noting that such a scenario may be complicated in the short and medium-term by events and trends in the hemisphere that would in no way favor the current Biden-Harris foreign policy. Some of these could have a particularly negative impact on the new administration’s policy. Some of them are:

-New rise of the “pink wave” (return of MAS in Bolivia, electoral victory of Arauz in Ecuador, formation of the Patriotic Front as an important challenge to the declining Duque government, possible defeat of the right in Chile)….

-The civilian-military power still headed by Maduro is not cracking or falling down so far…

-The model put to the test against Ortega (Nicaragua), the latter survives the offensive to subvert it…

-The “sabre rattling” in Brazil could well lead to a coup d’état, not so much to put an end to the Bolsonaro disaster, but to prevent it from frustrating the certain victory of Lula in the next elections…

-The crisis on the border with Mexico and the massive immigration (the barbarians are knocking at the doors of the Empire!) overflows the attempts of its management and neutralization, it transcends its local and domestic limits with very diverse regional connotations…

-In such a context, the holding of an upcoming Summit of the Americas may become a major setback for the current foreign policy designs of the Biden-Harris administration that will weaken its attempts for a successful hemispheric primacy, allowing its capitalization by Trumpism in the 2022/2024 contests.

In such a situation, the Biden-Harris policy toward Cuba may face unforeseen setbacks and setbacks that will force it to reorient objectives and priorities, in which case Cuba will have a better chance of survival.

Grandes expectativas, expectativas fallidas:
Biden-Harris y Cuba

Por Domingo Amuchastegui
31 de marzo 2021

Para muchos cubanos los resultados electorales de noviembre del pasado año en EEUU venían cargados de grandes expectativas. La guerra económica impuesta por Trump con sus devastadores efectos debía llegar a su fin y con el binomio Biden-Harris en la Casa Blanca -era aparentemente lo más lógico pensar- se retomaría la dinámica de normalización de relaciones entre Cuba y EEUU iniciada en el 2014. Biden y sus asesores habían participado activamente de esa dinámica y las premisas para retomar el proceso interrumpido por Trump. Sin embargo, a esta altura esas grandes expectativas no aparecen en los horizontes de hoy ni en más distantes escenarios.

Casi cumplidos los inaugurales 100 Dias, el binomio Biden-Harris no han levantado un dedo para revertir parcial o completamente el conjunto de agresiones económicas y politico-diplomáticas acometidas por Trump contra las autoridades cubanas. No han dado un paso siquiera para cumplir los tres pasos que prometieron acometer de inmediato (restablecer la presencia diplomática y consular, los procesos de reunificación familiar y el normal envío de remesas). Se ha argumentado por algunos especialistas que el tema de Cuba no es importante ni prioritario para la agenda demócrata. Si esto fuera así -dada su insignficancia- rápido y de un plumazo pudiera resolverse. Pero, el tema es más complejo y de myor relevancia.

A las propuestas de un centenar de congresistas abogando por reiniciar el proceso de normalización y conducirlo hasta sus últimas consecuencias, no les ha concedido hasta ahora ni la más minima atención o consideración. Las ha remitido al habitual “congelador” o procedimiento habitual para “matar” las propuestas legilativas que no interesan al sistema o la coyuntura.

A esto se añade ahora el que la administración Biden-Harris busca “revivir” el caso del “síndrome de La Habana,” capítulo bien esclarecido hace tiempo, incluso en tiempos del propio Trump. Si éste no pudo probar y legitimar ante el mundo ninguna culpabilidad de las autoridades cubanas, ¿qué sentido tiene ahora esta medida?

A esto se engarza una curiosa propuesta congresional promovida por los conocidos senadores Bob Menéndez (NJ) y Marco Rubio (FL) con algún respaldo bipartidista. Se trata de un plan minuciosamente elaborado, con todo lujo de detalles, articulando un cuerpo articulado de presiones, restricciones y sanciones sobre el gobierno de Nicaragua a fin de forzarlo a aceptar la convocatoria de un proceso electoral, a gusto y diseñado por estos senadores. ¿Y por qué contra Nicaragua, el eslabón más débil de la “troika” así caracterizada por John Bolton en su momento? Nicaragua sería el “laboratorio,” de cuya eficacia se desprendería su aplicación a los casos de Venezuela y Cuba, los casos que más interesan a estos influyentes senadores. Habrá que ver si se le aplica o no el recurso del “congelador.” La propuesta además asegura el beneplácito de sus bases electorales y el beneplácito de poderosos intereses político-económicos cubano-americanos.

Frente a tales tendencias, es legítimo preguntarse: ¿Es acaso la Cuba del presente diametralmente distinta y opuesta a la que Blinken, Mayorkas, Kerry y otros del actual equipo de Biden conocieron en detalle, incluídos los dirigentes cubanos? Salvo los efectos devastadores de la era Trump antes mencionados, Cuba, su situación y autoridades son los mismos. Incluso pudiera agregarse que están presentes factores positivos de reforma que en el 2014 no estaban. ¿Qué cataclismos o virajes dramáticos han tenido lugar en Cuba para que la nueva administración tenga el manejo del tema Cuba en una situación de prolongada cuarentena hasta ahora? Ninguno. Conveniencias y objetivos de política doméstica, y en primer lugar la disputa por ganar la Florida para el 2022/2024, parecen explicar major estos rumbos.

Para culminar este flujo de corrientes hostiles a la normalización de relaciones, surge del seno del Departamento de Estado, suscrito por su secretario Antony Blinken, un kilométrico informe acerca de las violaciones de los derechos humanos en Cuba, que incluyen un rosario de acusaciones que incluyen ejecuciones extrajudiciales, desapariciones, torturas, etc., etc. que parecen configurar un caso digno de Nuremberg…

Las fuentes en su casi totalidad son aquellas organizaciones de oposición entrenadas y pagadas por EEUU (como puede comprobarse documentalmente en fuentes gubernamentales de EEUU). Existen en el caso cubano objeciones reprobables y discutibles en varias áreas de las libertades de asociación y expresión y otros temas, pero el monumental expediente de las monstruosidades apuntadas en el informe de Blinken parecerían un guión hollywoodense de los peores, si no una fabulosa fabricación de escaso o ningún crédito. Parece olvidar Blinken que todos los opositores con los cuales se entrevistó el presidente Obama durante su visita ahí están continúan ahí, en perfectas condiciones físicas, escribiendo lo que se les antoja, navegando por los espacios cibernéticos y haciendo la guerra con sus declaraciones, viajes al exterior y denuncias, que la UNPACU y los hermanos Ferrer siguen distribuyendo sus bolsitas de comida para ganar adhesiones, Yoani Sánchez sigue con 14 ½, el clero católico hace sus críticas y entre los revolucionarios también encontramos también todo género de críticas.

Y estos temas -díficiles y controversiales- las autoridades cubanas los discuten civilizadamente con la Unión Europea en el marco de Diálogo Político y de Cooperación (del que pudiera aprender un poco EEUU), buscan consenso y acuerdos. Si la Cuba que se describe en el informe de Blinken tuviera visos de veracidad con sus ejecuciones extrajudiciales, torturas, desaparecidos, etc., ¿por qué ha venido contribuyendo activamente a los procesos de paz desde Centroamérica hasta Colombia? ¿Por qué desde el Grupo de Lima hasta Noruega, Canadá y España procuran su contribución mediadora? Si fuera la Cuba que Blinken intenta “vender” ahora, ¿cómo explicaría que tres Papas visitaran Cuba en los útimos 20 años y escogieran, de mutuo acuerdo con el Metropolitano de Moscú, a La Habana (y no París, Roma o Ginebra) para sopstener su primer encuentro al más alto nivel después del del Gran Cisma de la cristiandad hace más de mil años?

Entonces, ¿por qué el binomio Biden-Harris ahora asume semejante rumbo? Si George H.W. Bush en 1989 pudo proclemar la victoria de EEUU -con el favor de Dios, según proclamó- ahora la pareja demócrata, a partir de una segura evaluación de que “el regimen cubano” enfrenta la etapa más crítica de su existencia que prefigura un posible desplome. Ante esto -parecen calcular- no tendría sentido que la Casa Blanca proyecte retomar el proceso que Obama iniciara. Hacerlo -se entiende- brindaría a las autoridades cubanas oxígeno politico-diplomático y económico suficiente para reflotar su sistema.

Los beneficios de este razonamiento asegurarían -según se percibe- un sólido respaldo de votantes cubano-americanos y latinos en la Florida en tanto que a escala hemisférica sería un gravísimo revés para la llamada “ola rosada” de opciones de centro-izquierda y otros matices radicales, en especial para el gobierno cívico-militar de Maduro en Venezuela, una cierta versión de “teoría del dominó.”

Conviene destacar que tal escenario puede complicarse a corto y mediano plazo con acontecimientos y tendencias en el hemisferio que en nada favorecerían la actual política exterior de Biden-Harris. Algunos de ellos pudieran ejercer una gravitación particularmente negative para la política de la nueva administración. Algunos de ellos son:

-Nuevo ascenso de la “oleada rosada” (regreso del MAS en Bolivia, victoria electoral de Arauz en Ecuador, formación del Frente Patriótico como importante desafío al declinante gobierno de Duque, posible derrota de la derecha en Chile)…

-El poder cívico-militar que todavía encabeza Maduro no se resquebraja ni se cae hasta ahora…

-Puesto a prueba el modelo contra Ortega (Nicaragua), éste sobrevive la ofensiva por subvertirlo…

-Novedoso “ruido de sables” en Brasil que bien pudiera desembocar en una salida golpista, no tanto para poner fin al desastre Bolsonaro, sino para impeder con ello frustrar la segura victoria de Lula en las próximas elecciones…

-La crisis en la frontera con México y la inmigración masiva (los bárbaros tocan a las puertas del Imperio!) desborda los intentos de su manejo y neutralización, trasciende sus límites locales y domésticos con muy diversas connotaciones regionales…

-En un contexto tal, la celebración de una próxima Cumbre de las Américas puede convertirse en un importante revés para los actuales diseños de política exterior de la administración Biden-Harris habrán de debilitar sus intentos por una primacía hemisférica exitosa, permitiendo su capitalización por parte del trumpismo en las contiendas del 2022/2024.

En una situación como esta, la política de Biden-Harris hacia Cuba puede enfrentar tropiezos y contratiempos imprevistos que lo obliguen a reorientar objetivos y prioridades, en cuyo caso Cuba podrá sortear major sus posibilidades de sobrevivencia.

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Remembering Ramsey Clark

4 years ago Translations
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Remembering Ramsey Clark

by Ricardo Alarcón de Quesada

April 12, 2021
Translated by Walter Lippmann for CubaNews.

The news of his death did not come as a surprise since it was known that his health was declining and he was also affected by irreparable family losses. But the death of Ramsey Clark is a source of pain and suffering for many in many parts of the world.

His trajectory since the 1960s was one of admirable personal integrity and fidelity to the principles that made him one of the most respected personalities of the American progressive movement.

Attorney General of the United States during the administration of Lyndon B. Johnson, he played a key role in the approval and application of the Civil Rights Act, a decisive step in eliminating discrimination against African-Americans in electoral matters. He also accompanied Johnson in his efforts to ensure affordable health care for all. Both issues were flags that “liberals” raised but with increasingly hesitant hands while their elimination has become a priority for Trump and his supporters.

Ramsey for his part became a point of reference for those who did not abandon the ideals of freedom and true democracy.

He opposed the war against the Vietnamese people to the point that the President excluded him from the National Security Council despite the fact that his participation in that body derived from the high office he held.

Outside the government, Ramsey waged a tireless battle to stop this aggression, which generated a growing mobilization not only in his country but throughout the world, and to which he contributed as few others did. Not only with speeches and declarations. Of special significance was his physical, personal presence on Vietnamese soil in open violation of Washington’s official prohibition.

He had an exceptional capacity for work and delivering solidarity was for him a mission to which he gave his all. No cause was alien to him.

We Cubans owe him a great debt. Our cause was also his. His voice was raised time and again to denounce the blockade and the war that the Empire is waging against us in all fields.

His participation in the campaign to free Elián González and in the hard, complex and prolonged struggle for the liberation of our Five Heroes was decisive. Personally, as long as I live I will thank him for his help and from the bottom of my heart I say Thank you for everything dear friend, brother, compañero.

 

Ramsey Clark en la memoria

Ricardo Alarcón de Quesada
12 de abril 2021

La noticia sobre su fallecimiento no causó sorpresa pues se sabía que su salud declinaba afectada además por pérdidas familiares irreparables. Pero la muerte de Ramsey Clark es fuente de dolor y sufrimiento para muchos en muchas partes del mundo.

Su trayectoria desde la década de los Sesenta del pasado siglo es de admirable integridad personal y de fidelidad a los principios que lo convierten en una de las personalidades más respetadas del movimiento progresista norteamericano.

Fiscal General de Estados Unidos durante la Administración de Lyndon B. Johnson fue pieza clave en la aprobación y aplicación de la Ley de Derechos Civiles paso decisivo para eliminar la discriminación contra los afroamericanos en materia electoral. Acompañó a Johnson también en sus medidas para asegurar servicios de salud asequibles para todos. Ambos temas fueron banderas que los “liberales” levantaron pero con manos cada vez más vacilantes mientras que su eliminación se ha convertido en prioridad para Trump y sus seguidores.

Ramsey por su lado se convirtió en punto de referencia para quienes no abandonaron los ideales de libertad y verdadera democracia.

Se opuso a la guerra contra el pueblo vietnamita al punto de que el Presidente lo excluyó del Consejo de Seguridad Nacional pese a que su participación en esa instancia se derivaba del alto carga que desempeñaba.

Fuera ya del Gobierno Ramsey libró una batalla incansable para detener esa agresión que generó la movilización creciente no sólo en su país sino en todo el mundo y en cuyo despliegue él contribuyó como pocos. No sólo con discursos y declaraciones. De especial significación fue su presencia física, personal, en la tierra vietnamita violando abiertamente la prohibición oficial de Washington.

Tenía una capacidad de trabajo excepcional y entregar solidaridad fue para él una misión a la que se dio por entero. Ninguna causa le fue ajena.

Es grande la deuda que con él tenemos los cubanos. Nuestra causa fue también la suya. Su voz se alzó una y otra vez para denunciar el bloqueo y la guerra que el Imperio nos hace en todos los terrenos.

Fue decisiva su participación en la campaña para liberar a Elián González y en la dura, compleja y prolongada brega para la liberación de nuestros Cinco Héroes. Personalmente mientras viva le agradeceré su ayuda y desde el fondo de mi corazón le digo Gracias por todo querido amigo, hermano, compañero.

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Decree Law on Animal Welfare

4 years ago CubaDebate, Translationsanimal welfare, legislation

cuba-debate

Decree Law on Animal Welfare published in Official Gazette (+ PDF)

April 10, 2021

Translated and edited by Walter Lippmann for CubaNews.

The Decree Law No. 31 Animal Welfare was published Saturday in the Official Gazette of the Republic of Cuba. With this, it is possible to take legal action in favor of the care and better treatment of animals in the country.

The document will regulate the principles, duties, rules and purposes regarding the care, health and use of animals, to guarantee their well-being, with a focus on “One Health”, in which human health and animal health are interdependent and linked to the ecosystems in which they coexist.

The text published this Saturday in the extraordinary Official Gazette No.25 highlights that animal welfare is understood as the adequate physical and mental state of an animal in relation to the conditions in which it lives and dies.

It refers that natural and legal persons, owners, holders and possessors of animals, must satisfy their basic needs, according to their species and category, they are also required to register.

People are prohibited from inducing confrontation between animals of any species and the activity of veterinary doctors is regulated by Decree Law.

The National Center for Animal Health of the Ministry of Agriculture (MINAG) will be responsible for directing, executing, implementing and controlling State and Government policy on animal welfare, in relation to the organs and agencies of the Central State Administration, state entities, local bodies of People’s Power and associative forms that are linked to animal welfare.

The regulations include the specific functions of each Ministry to promote the proper care and treatment of animals, as well as the conditions with which their owners must comply to guarantee the well-being they require.

The Decree Law stipulates precise actions to be followed by the holders of productive and working animals, also clarifies that species that are domesticated to accompany people or for the purpose of their enjoyment are considered companion animals.

Pets that remain in the outdoor spaces of a home must have conditions that allow them to shelter from inclement weather, isolated from the ground and with enough space for their movement, he points out.

In the case of those that are abandoned by their owners and do not have identification, or those that wander on public roads, agencies or entities, they will be collected by the competent authority, in accordance with the provisions of the Regulation of the Decree-Law.

Regarding commercialization, it is defined that those who carry out this activity must have the corresponding licenses or authorizations, in accordance with the provisions of current legislation, which also applies to people who carry out import and export operations.

The Gazette published today also includes Decree 38: Regulation of Decree-Law 31 on Animal Welfare, signed by Cuban Prime Minister, Manuel Marrero, and the head of MINAG, Gustavo Rodríguez, which stipulates the rules and conduct to be followed by the veterinarians, agencies, and by natural or legal persons.

It also lists the violations and penalties to be applied in each case, which include fines of between 500 and four thousand pesos; The pertinent ways to present complaints or disagreements are also shown.

The Decree-Law of Animal Welfare, approved by the Council of Ministers on February 26, came to satisfy a need of the population and of experts and interested in the subject that required regulations more in line with current times.

Both the Decree-Law of Animal Welfare and the Regulations come into force 90 days after the date of their publication in the Official Gazette of the Republic of Cuba.

In this regard, the Cuban Minister of Agriculture has highlighted that although the Decree-Law may be implemented after 90 days of publication in the Official Gazette, the MINAG has established certain lines for what it considers the first stage of work .

  • Download the Decree Law of Animal Welfare here .

(With information from ACN)

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COVID-19 Vaccines: Stories of monopoly, blackmail and inequality

4 years ago CubaDebateCovid-19, vaccine apartheid, vaccines

cuba-debate

COVID-19 Vaccines: Stories of monopoly, blackmail and inequality

By Randy Alonso Falcón, Cuban journalist, Director of the web portal Cubadebate, the site Fidel Soldado de las Ideas and the Cuban Television program “Mesa Redonda”. He directed other Cuban publications such as Somos Jóvenes, Alma Mater and Juventud Técnica. He received the Juan Gualberto Gómez National Journalism Award in TV in 2018. He has won several awards in the 26th of July National Journalism Contest. Email: director@cubadebate.cu On Twitter: @RandyAlonsoFalc, 

Edilberto Carmona Tamayo, Chief of the Department of Multimedia Production, Monitoring and Innovation of Cubadebate and the Roundtable. Graduated in Journalism in 2016 from the University of Holguín. Contact: edilberto@cubadebate.cu On Twitter: @edctamayo
March 19, 2020

Translated and edited by Walter Lippmann for CubaNews.

Design: Edilberto Carmona Tamayo

The apprehensions raised in some countries by the AstraZeneca/Oxford vaccine, the US dirty campaign against the Russian Sputnik V and the confirmed refusal of the most powerful nations to let their pharmaceutical companies temporarily release the patents of their antidotes against COVID-19, have further strained the availability of vaccines and deepened the profound differences in the right to life between the powerful and the poor in this world.

Never before has a health emergency struck so many in so many places and in such a short space of time. COVID-19 has already affected more than 120 million people in the world and has caused the death of more than 2.6 million human beings.

Such a universal challenge warranted a global and coordinated response. But once again, contrary to the demands of the UN and the World Health Organization, nationalism, pettiness, the overwhelming power of transnational corporations and every person for themselves, have prevailed.

Vaccines seem to be the only effective barriers against the pandemic. Only immunization of a majority of the world’s population could put a stop to the growing transmission of the SARS-CoV-2 virus. But neither the pharmaceutical transnationals nor the governments of the rich world have that vocation for collective response and global solidarity.

Who can develop and produce vaccines?

The pharmaceutical and biotechnology industry suffers from high concentration and transnationalization. Large companies from developed countries and emerging economies monopolize drug research, production and distribution. Nine of them are among the 100 companies that generate the highest revenues worldwide.

According to Euromonitor Global, the pharmaceutical industry is responsible for almost 4% of global production activity. If it were a country, it would be among the 15 richest economies on the planet. Almost half of the sector’s total sales come from China and the USA, followed by Switzerland, Japan, Germany and France.

The production of vaccines, in particular, concentrates in 4 large firms more than 80% of the market, according to 2019 data: the British GlaxoSmithKline, the American Merck Sharp & Dohme and Pfizer, and the French Sanofi.

That global market generated in 2018 some $37 billion and it is estimated that by 2027 it will exceed 6$4.5 billion.

As is remarkable, underdeveloped nations -which are the vast majority-, have hardly any capacity to develop their own vaccines (Cuba is one of the few honorable exceptions) and no productive capacities of their own. This has left them with little room for maneuver to influence the uneven development of vaccines in the midst of the pandemic.

How have the vaccines against COVID-19 been financed?

Since the WHO declared COVID-19 a pandemic on March 11, it has been calling for a concerted and joint solution to the threat. But the wrathful logic of the market dictates the course of our world and what has taken place since then is a frantic race to hit the bull’s eye (immune and financial), in which there has been no shortage of obstacles, pressures and even blackmail.

From the outset, the major powers allied themselves with the major pharmaceutical corporations in order to conveniently manage the discovery of a solution that would allow them to emerge with an advantage from the health and economic crisis ravaging the world.

Governments provided at least $8.6 billion for vaccine development, according to analyst firm Airfinity. The US, EU and UK invested billions in AstraZeneca’s vaccine, developed by Oxford University. Germany invested $445 million in the vaccine developed by Pfizer and its German partner, BioNTech. Moderna’s vaccine was fully funded and co-produced by the U.S. government.

While philanthropic organizations contributed $1.9 billion. Individual personalities such as Bill Gates, Alibaba founder Jack Ma and country music star Dolly Parton made contributions.

Only $3.4 billion has come from the pharma companies’ own investment, part of which has also come from external funding.

Despite the fact that Big Pharma has only provided one third of the funding, who is reaping the economic benefits? Who has set the rules of the game in the distribution of vaccines?

Foul Play

To obtain the vaccine against COVID became, beyond the health interest, a geopolitical objective. Whoever managed to get the vaccine would capitalize on its commoditization and whoever had more financial resources would be able to monopolize more immunizations.

Scandalous was the news of the Trump administration’s maneuver, as early as March 2020, for the German company CureVac -which had begun to research a possible vaccine-, to leave its headquarters in the European country and move to the U.S. in exchange for “large amounts of money”.

As it had also acquired PCR tests, pulmonary ventilators, masks and biosafety equipment, Washington also set out from the beginning to acquire the production and distribution of vaccines.

This was coupled with sometimes subtle, sometimes overt, smear campaigns against Russian and Chinese vaccine candidates in a concerted attempt to shut them out of other markets. Many doubts were cast on the speed of development, quality of clinical trials and effectiveness of the candidates from both nations, especially against Sputnik V from Gamaleya Laboratories.

A nurse prepares a Sputnik V injection at a Moscow clinic. Photo: AFP

After Russia’s leading vaccine was certified by its authorities and sparked interest in several nations, the United States and the European Union have been tripping it up all over the place. The 2020 Annual Report of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) recently revealed that the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) recently revealed that the Office of Global Affairs (OGA) used the Office of the Health Attaché in Brazil to persuade the government of that South American country to “reject the Russian COVID-19 vaccine”.

Text subtitled as Combating malign influences in the Americas. Photo Screenshot of HSS annual report

In response to the revelation, Russian presidential spokesman Dimity Peskov stated: “In many countries, the scale of pressure is unprecedented (…) such selfish attempts to force countries to abandon some vaccines lack perspective. We believe that there should be as many doses of vaccines as possible so that all countries, including the poorest, have a chance to stop the pandemic.”

The European Union, for its part, has not yet given the green light to the Russian vaccine for use in its member countries, even though that region has lagged behind the US, Canada, the UK and Israel in vaccine availability, and even though the prestigious health journal The Lancet acknowledged the high efficacy of Sputnik V in a publication.

Beyond such barriers, Russian and Chinese vaccines have been gaining ground in different regions, due to their effectiveness and the global shortage of immunizers. Slovakia even left the European Union fold to acquire 2 million doses of Sputnik V and Hungary, which has also approved the use of the Russian vaccine, acquired doses of the Chinese Sinopharm, which has also not received the green light from the European Medicines Agency.

Health workers in Indonesia unload a shipment of Chinese vaccine Sinovac

Blackmail without anesthesia

The States made the major investment, but BigPharma imposes the conditions and keeps the revenues. The monopoly of a few multinationals in the procurement and production of anti-COVID-19 vaccines gives such companies overwhelming power.

Recent reports show how pharmaceutical giant Pfizer has attempted to impose onerous conditions on Latin American nations to supply them with certain quantities of its injectable.

Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro showed his displeasure these days at Pfizer’s demands on his government, pointing out that among the conditions set by the consortium is a clause in the purchase contract that exempts it from “all liability” for possible side effects of its immunizer.

“We have been very hard and they have been very hard on us. They won’t change a comma. The government is dealing with this together with Congress and it is being discussed in terms of a relaxation of the law”, said the recently dismissed Brazilian Minister of Health, Army General Eduardo Pazuello.

Argentina, Peru and the Dominican Republic also suffered intense pressure from Pfizer, as shown in an investigation by The Bureau Investigative Journalism.

Pfizer representatives in Buenos Aires demanded indemnification against any civil claims citizens might file if they experienced adverse effects after being vaccinated. “We offered to pay for millions of doses upfront, we accepted this international insurance, but the last request was extraordinary: Pfizer demanded that Argentina’s sovereign assets also be part of the legal backing,” an Argentine official confessed. “It was an extreme demand that I had only heard when the foreign debt had to be negotiated, but in that case as in this one, we rejected it immediately.”

The Argentine government believes that Pfizer’s demands were part of a commercial strategy that favored sales to developed countries and not to Latin American countries.

There are several voices that warn that the urgency to have vaccines available for a disease that has left so many dead in the world may have led some governments to accept significant limitations on their responsibilities and demand transparency on the agreements with pharmaceutical companies.

Professor Lawrence Gostin, director of the World Health Organization’s Collaborating Center for National and Global Health Law said, “Pharmaceutical companies should not use their power to limit life-saving vaccines in low- and middle-income countries” and noted that liability protection should not be used as “the sword of Damocles hanging over the heads of desperate countries with desperate populations”.

Even mighty Europe seems to have felt the pressures. Although EU agreements with vaccine manufacturers are kept with their main clauses secret, the Vaccine Procurement Strategy made public by the European Commission states that “the responsibility for the development and use of the vaccine, including any specific compensation required, will lie with the procuring Member States.”

Excerpt from the contract for the purchase of vaccines from CureVac by the European Commission was disclosed with all essential parts blacked out.

Who will be able to be vaccinated in 2021?

Vaccine production capacities in the world are insufficient to have the necessary doses this year to immunize the world’s population. The International Federation of Pharmaceutical Manufacturers and Associations (IFPMA) says that the estimated global demand for vaccines in 2021 is between 10 and 14 billion doses.

According to statistics cited by data firm Statista, the United States can produce nearly 4.7 billion doses of COVID-19 vaccine and India more than 3 billion potential doses. China, previously not a major player in the vaccine export market, has committed to manufacturing more than 1 billion doses.

Great Britain, Russia, Germany and South Korea are also among the established manufacturing centers, but with lower production capacity.

Vacuna Johnson & Johnson. Photo: Reuters.

Given this reality, the inequity and injustice of today’s world are once again evident: the richest countries have purchased most of the vaccines that will be produced in 2021 (even for stockpiling), while poor nations will not have doses to administer even to their most vulnerable segments of the population. More than 100 nations are waiting for the first bulb to arrive.

It is estimated that 90% of the inhabitants of the nearly 70 lowest-income countries will not have the opportunity to be vaccinated against COVID-19 this year.

The most powerful nations took advantage of their purchasing power and investments in vaccine development to secure supplies of the coveted antidote.

So far, about 12.7 billion doses of various coronavirus vaccines have been pre-purchased, enough to vaccinate approximately 6.6 billion people (except for Johnson & Johnson’s, all vaccines approved so far require two doses).

More than half of those doses, 4.2 billion insured, with the option to buy another 2.5 billion, have been purchased by wealthy countries that are home to only 1.2 billion people.

Canada has bought enough doses to inoculate every Canadian five times, while the U.S., U.K., EU, EU, Australia, New Zealand and Chile have bought enough to vaccinate their citizens at least twice, although some of the vaccines have not yet been approved.

Israel struck a deal for 10 million doses and a promise of a steady supply from Pfizer in exchange for data on vaccine recipients. According to reports, the country also paid $30 per dose, double the price paid by the EU.

As Irene Bernal, a researcher on access to medicines at the NGO Salud por Derecho, told the newspaper El País last December, “we are seeing that whoever has the money is the one who has the access. We have kept 53% of the vaccines for 14% of the population, the rich. And the companies have a limited production capacity, so when are the doses going to reach the poorest countries?”

Design: Edilberto Carmona tamayo

Low- and middle-income countries, with 84% of the world’s population, have made deals directly with pharmaceutical companies, but have so far secured only 32% of the supply.

“We are in such a massive crisis,” said Fatima Hassan, founder of the South African Health Justice Initiative. “If even in South Africa we can’t vaccinate half our population soon, I can’t even imagine how Zimbabwe, Lesotho, Namibia and the rest of Africa will cope. If this is going to go on for another three years, we won’t get any kind of continental or global immunity.”

Mexican President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador and his Foreign Minister Marcelo Ebrard have asked the U.S. authorities to allow them to acquire part of the tens of millions of AstraZeneca vaccines produced in the United States, which Washington has stockpiled without having approved the use of this drug. Other countries that have already authorized this vaccine are begging to have them.

Mexico, one of the countries with the largest presence of COVID-19, has so far administered some 4.4 million doses using Pfizer, AstraZeneca, Sinovac and Sputnik V vaccines, in a population of more than 128 million inhabitants, which means a low vaccination rate, according to the website www.ourworldindata.org managed by the University of Oxford.

The most current statistics from this observatory show the low proportion and unequal distribution of the number of fully vaccinated people (with all the necessary doses) in the world:

Percentage of population fully vaccinated with required doses by country, March 16, 2021. Graphic: OurWorldinData /Oxford University

According to data collected by Bloomberg, as of Thursday, more than 410 million doses of anti-COVID vaccines have been administered worldwide in some 132 countries. This represents just 2.7% of the world’s population.

% of population  
Country Doses administered Enough for % of people given 1+ dose fully vaccinated Daily rate of doses administered
Global Total 410,697,435 – – – 9,959,983
U.S. 115,730,008 17.7 22.7 12.3 2,503,731
China 64,980,000 2.3 – – 960,000
EU 54,084,195 6.1 8.3 3.6 1,236,527
India 38,920,259 1.4 2.3 0.5 1,835,249
U.K. 27,614,526 20.7 38.5 2.8 458,471
Brazil 14,936,060 3.6 5.2 1.9 357,115
Turkey 12,707,210 7.6 9.6 5.7 306,998
Germany 10,067,955 6.1 8.4 3.7 233,813
Israel 9,609,766 53.1 57.1 49.1 76,526
Russia 8,500,000 2.9 3.4 2.4 100,000
France 7,927,771 6.1 8.7 3.5 214,391
Chile 7,907,275 20.7 27.9 13.5 290,378
Italy 7,330,104 6.1 8.4 3.8 178,874
UAE 6,980,466 32.5 – – 81,874
Indonesia 6,787,283 1.3 1.8 0.7 256,516
Morocco 6,499,476 9.1 12.0 6.3 199,542
Spain 5,993,363 6.4 8.8 4.1 117,322
Poland 4,738,902 6.2 8.1 4.4 72,826
Mexico 4,737,622 1.9 3.2 0.5 178,501
Note: Population coverage accounts for the number of doses required for each vaccine administered. The daily rate is a 7-day average; for countries that don’t report daily, the last-known average rate is used.

 

Vaccine Apartheid 

Design: Edilberto Carmona Tamayo

Scientists and activists warn that we are heading towards a “vaccine apartheid” in which people in the global South will be vaccinated years later than those in the West.

Not only will poorer countries be forced to wait, but many are already being charged much higher prices per dose. Uganda, for example, has announced a deal for millions of vaccines from AstraZeneca, at a price of $7 a dose, more than three times what the European Union paid for it. Including transport fees, it will cost $17 to fully vaccinate a Ugandan.

The effects of this inequity would be severe. A model developed by Northeastern University indicates that if the first 2 billion doses of Covid-19 vaccines were distributed proportionally by national population, deaths worldwide would be reduced by 61%. But if the doses are monopolized by 47 of the world’s richest countries, only 33% fewer people would be saved.

Scientists are also concerned that if there are countries that will not be able to immunize a large part of the population, there will be more opportunities for the virus to continue mutating and deaths will increase in these under-vaccinated countries, making the available vaccines less effective over time.

As WHO Director-General Dr. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus noted earlier this year, “…we face a real danger that, while vaccines bring hope to some, they become one more brick in the wall of inequality between those who have resources and those who do not.”

A restrained alternative

The difficulty in securing vaccine supply will make many poorer countries dependent on Covax, an organization created in April 2020, coordinated by WHO, the Coalition for Innovations in Epidemic Preparedness and GAVI, the international vaccine alliance.

Covax aims to administer 2 billion doses globally, including at least 1.3 billion for 92 low- and middle-income countries, by the end of 2021. This would be enough to inoculate 20% of each country’s population, with priority given to healthcare workers, the elderly and people with underlying medical conditions, although that target has been criticized as inadequate to deal with the pandemic.

Analysts estimate instead that Covax will at most provide between 650 million and 950 million doses, divided among 145 nations, including some of those with enough confirmed agreements for the vaccines to vaccinate their citizens multiple times such as Canada and New Zealand.

The pharmaceuticals have not delivered on their promises to COVAX and AstraZeneca, which was the main supplier is also facing its own particular situation of millions of doses withheld in the US and Europe.

Even Europe is not spared from the backlog

Germany suspended vaccination with AstraZeneca as of Monday 15. Photo: EPA Even the European Union is frustrated by the obstacles they have encountered in vaccinating their population. The only European vaccine so far, the AstraZeneca/Oxford vaccine, is in serious trouble after reports of some 30 cases of clotting problems in people immunized with the injectable. There are already 13 EU countries that have suspended vaccination with AstaZeneca, despite the fact that the WHO and the European regulatory agency defend its use as having more benefits than harmful impact.

To make matters worse, in the midst of the flare-up in the region, AstraZeneca had only delivered 25% of the agreed doses to the EU for the first quarter and Pfizer was also behind in its deliveries. In early 2021 Italy threatened to sue Pfizer for reducing by 29% the distribution of doses in that country. Now the European Commission announces that it has reached an agreement with Pfizer/BioNTech to bring forward 10 million doses for the second quarter of the year.

Despite the fact that BioNtech and CureVac are German, this European country has had problems with vaccination. The daily Der Spiegel pointed out a few weeks ago that “the European Union and Germany could run short of vaccine supplies. The delay in signing contracts with pharmaceutical companies could mean that the vaccines arrive late, as well as not being sufficient”.

The EU has so far administered 11 doses per 100 people, compared with 33 doses in the US and 39 doses in the UK, according to the Bloomberg Vaccine Tracker index.

The low availability and unequal distribution within the European Union has led countries such as Austria, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Croatia and Latvia to publicly express their discomfort and ask for a “correction” in the distribution.

In view of the dilemma, the European Commission determined that the pharmaceutical companies which have vaccine factories in EU territories will not be able to export the products they generate to other regions if they do not receive permission to take them out of the country from the authorities of those nations.

Already on March 4, Italy, one of the countries hardest hit by the pandemic, took advantage of this EU decision to ban the export to Australia of 250,000 doses of Astrazeneca’s vaccine, which the Anglo-Swedish pharmaceutical company produced at its factory in Agnani, near Rome.

As frustrations grow more intense, some European officials are blaming the United States and the United Kingdom. European Council President Charles Michel said the U.S., along with Britain, “have imposed a total ban on the export of vaccines or vaccine components that are produced on their territory.”

Asked about this, Jen Psaki, the White House press secretary, told reporters that vaccine manufacturers were free to export their U.S.-made products as long as they met the terms of their contracts with the [U.S.] government.

But because AstraZeneca’s vaccine was produced with help from the Defense Production Act, for which it received more than $1 billion in funding, Biden has to approve overseas shipments of its doses.

No holds barred for a round deal

The most powerful countries have put pharmaceutical profits above global immunity, despite political discourse that there will be no solution to the pandemic unless it is corralled worldwide.

Last week, on the same day marking one year since WHO declared COVID-19 a pandemic, the US, EU, UK and Canada (all with sufficient vaccines secured) blocked the latest attempt by poor or middle-income nations to speed access to vaccines and treatments for COVID-19 by temporarily lifting World Trade Organization rules protecting intellectual property.

A resolution sponsored by South Africa and India and backed by 57 countries, which called for suspending during the pandemic parts of the TRIPS (Trade Related Protections for Intellectual Property Rights) Agreement that protects medical patents, was rejected by the bloc of rich nations. It had already met the same fate in discussions at the WTO in October and December 2020.

An agreement would have allowed underdeveloped or emerging nations to produce COVID drugs and vaccines without waiting for or adhering to licensing agreements with pharmaceutical companies that own the intellectual property of these medical products. This would have expanded the production of antidotes against the lethal disease and lowered treatment costs.

The governments of wealthy nations, the majority financiers of the anti-COVID vaccines, based their refusal on concerns that the release of intellectual property, even temporarily, could reduce incentives for corporate research and also questioned whether “developing” nations could begin production of the drugs soon enough to prevent the spread of the virus.

The truth is that Big Pharma multinationals were initially reluctant to fund COVID vaccine research because of the uncertainty of a race against time to get results and because of the poor cost-effectiveness of creating vaccines for health emergencies in the past.

The drugs sought by these companies are primarily those offered to citizens of wealthy countries, and especially those needed for chronic diseases requiring routine doses, which make them highly profitable.

But after they have seen the profitability that the durability in time of COVID-19 can leave them, they do not want now any limit to the “party” of income that they are enjoying in view of the urgent demand for vaccines.

Moderna reported that it has signed advance purchase agreements for more than US$18 billion for supplies to be delivered this year, while Pfizer projected nearly US$15 billion in revenues this year for its vaccine with BioNTech.

Boxes containing Modern COVID-19 vaccine are prepared for shipment at McKesson’s distribution center in Olive Branch, Mississippi, U.S., Dec. 20, 2020. Photo: Reuters

The main vaccine developers have benefited from billions of dollars in public subsidies, yet pharmaceutical companies have been granted a monopoly over their production, as well as over the profits they generate.

The prices at which vaccines are sold to different countries (they vary) are kept under the veil of secrecy of the agreements signed between pharmaceutical companies and governments, although the specialized website Statista has calculated the average price per dose at these amounts:

Multiply those numbers by the billions of doses required every x years (depending on the length of time these vaccines achieve immunity) and you can calculate how much the dance of the millions will amount to.

But, while pharmaceutical companies profit and control the pace and scope of vaccinations, the costs of the unequal distribution of vaccines to the global economy could be as high as $9 billion, according to Katie Gallogly-Swan, a researcher working with the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD).

“It is unconscionable that in the midst of a global health crisis, huge multi-billion dollar pharmaceutical companies continue to prioritize profits, protect their monopolies and raise prices, instead of prioritizing the lives of people everywhere, including the Global South, U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders aptly tweeted a few days ago.

“The world is on the brink of a catastrophic moral failure” has written the Director-General of the World Health Organization. Meanwhile, over here, we cross our fingers for Soberana and Abdala to immunize all of us, without distinction, before this year expires. 

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Hotels as anti-COVID-19 isolation centers

4 years ago TranslationsCovid-19, hotels, quarantine, tourism

SPECIAL: Cuba uses hotels as anti-COVID-19 isolation centers

Updated 2021-03-18 05:03:44 | Spanish. xinhuanet. com
By Raul Menchaca

Translated and edited by Walter Lippmann for CubaNews

mage from March 16, 2021 of an employee sanitizing the hands of a foreign visitor at the entrance of the Capri Hotel, which is being occupied as an isolation center, in Havana, capital of Cuba. Cuba has set up some 20 hotels, mostly in Havana, as isolation centers where travelers arriving from abroad spend a few days until it is confirmed that they are not infected with the new coronavirus. (Xinhua/Joaquín Hernández)

HAVANA, Mar. 17 (Xinhua) — Cuba has set up a score of hotels, mostly in Havana, as isolation centers where travelers arriving from abroad spend a few days until confirming that they are not infected with the new coronavirus.

Since the beginning of February and in view of a third outbreak of the pandemic, the authorities determined the isolation of these travelers, who must also present a negative molecular biology test, the so-called PCR test, carried out 72 hours before their arrival in Cuba.

The isolation has two modalities since there are paid hotels for foreigners and Cubans who opt for them and free centers only for Cubans, but with less comfort.

Travelers remain isolated for five nights until they know the results of the PCR test performed at the airports and another one at the hotel, where they also have daily sanitary control, since in each facility there is a doctor and a nurse, who twice a day examine each traveler.

“It’s a little stressful to be locked up, but I understand that it is the sanitary protocol to protect us and others,” Cuban Yosvany Barrios, who lives in the southern United States and returned to the island to spend a few days with his wife, who is four months pregnant, told Xinhua.

Barrios, a construction contractor, who stayed at the downtown Havana hotel NH Capri, said he feels safe with these measures, which help him “also to take care of my wife and the future baby”.

This opinion is shared by Jorge Carmona, another Cuban who also lives in the United States and who said he understands the need for these restrictions, despite the fact that it is uncomfortable to be locked up for so many days.

Visitors are not allowed to leave their rooms, pending the result of the PCR test, and can only leave them when it is confirmed that they are not infected.

“This prevents contact between people and therefore transmission,” said Dr. Juan Carlos Vidaud, an intensivist who usually works in a Havana hospital, but who with the arrival of the pandemic has been assigned to health surveillance at the NH Capri Hotel, where more than 100 people are staying.

For a month and a half, Vidaud has attended to more than 200 travelers staying at the hotel and explained that only four have tested positive for COVID-19, which has activated a rigorous emergency plan to transfer them to hospitals where they received specialized medical care.

It is a new reality for the now depressed Cuban tourism sector, once the second-largest contributor of foreign currency to the island, with some 3.1 billion dollars annually, only surpassed by the export of medical services, but today hard hit by the pandemic.

“We have a different clientele than we had before. There is a pre-COVID client and now there is a post-COVID client,” said Spain’s Juan Francisco Candeal, general manager of the NH Capri and NH Victoria hotels.

Candeal, a man of vast experience in the hotel industry, noted that the facilities he manages have modified more than 700 actions to conform to a strict sanitary protocol and protect clients and workers.

“I think that within this great misfortune that we are all going through, it has been a great improvement for the tourism industry,” said the executive of the Spanish chain.

Cuban authorities had closed the borders in April last year, but reopened them on November 1, which with the massive arrival of travelers for the end-of-year holidays gave rise to the current third outbreak of the disease on the island.

Therefore, at the beginning of February, in addition to the sanitary protocol in airports, the list of countries with restricted regular flights was extended to include the United States, Mexico, Panama, Dominican Republic, Bahamas, Colombia and Jamaica, and connections with Nicaragua, Guyana, Trinidad and Tobago, and Suriname were suspended.

Measures such as the suspension of the school year and the closure of public places such as theaters, bars and restaurants were also applied throughout the country.

In Havana, the main source of transmission of the disease, the authorities are maintaining restrictive sanitary measures that include limiting circulation from 21:00 local time until 5:00 hours the following day, as well as severe fines for those who do not use or misuse masks.

Since the Sars-CoV-2 virus, which causes the new coronavirus disease (COVID-19), was first recorded on the island a year ago, Cuba has accumulated 63,725 infected people and 380 deaths.

HAVANA, March 17, 2021 (Xinhua) — Picture on March 16, 2021 of an employee moving the luggage of a foreign visitor at the Capri Hotel, which is being occupied as an isolation center, in Havana, capital of Cuba. Cuba has set up some 20 hotels, mostly in Havana, as isolation centers where travelers arriving from abroad spend a few days until it is confirmed that they are not infected with the new coronavirus. (Xinhua/Joaquín Hernández)

HAVANA, March 17, 2021 (Xinhua) — March 16, 2021 image of a foreign visitor being checked by a Cuban doctor at the Capri Hotel, which is being occupied as an isolation center, in Havana, capital of Cuba. Cuba has set up some 20 hotels, mostly in Havana, as isolation centers where travelers arriving from abroad spend a few days until it is confirmed that they are not infected with the new coronavirus. (Xinhua/Joaquín Hernández)

HAVANA, March 17, 2021 (Xinhua) — March 16, 2021 image of an employee knocking on a room door to deliver food service to a foreign visitor at the Capri Hotel, which is being occupied as an isolation center, in Havana, capital of Cuba. Cuba has set up some 20 hotels, mostly in Havana, as isolation centers where travelers arriving from abroad spend a few days until it is confirmed that they are not infected with the new coronavirus. (Xinhua/Joaquín Hernández)

HAVANA, March 17, 2021 (Xinhua) — March 16, 2021 image of people walking in front of the Capri Hotel, which is being occupied as an isolation center, in Havana, capital of Cuba. Cuba has set up some 20 hotels, mostly in Havana, as isolation centers where travelers arriving from abroad spend a few days until it is confirmed that they are not infected with the new coronavirus. (Xinhua/Joaquín Hernández)

HAVANA, March 17, 2021 (Xinhua) — March 16, 2021 image of a Cuban nurse performing a body temperature check on a foreign visitor at the Capri Hotel, which is being occupied as an isolation center, in Havana, capital of Cuba. Cuba has set up some 20 hotels, mostly in Havana, as isolation centers where travelers arriving from abroad spend a few days until it is confirmed that they are not infected with the new coronavirus. (Xinhua/Joaquín Hernández)

HAVANA, March 17, 2021 (Xinhua) — March 16, 2021 image of people coming from abroad checking in at the Capri Hotel, which is being occupied as an isolation center, in Havana, capital of Cuba. Cuba has set up some 20 hotels, mostly in Havana, as isolation centers where travelers arriving from abroad spend a few days until it is confirmed that they are not infected with the new coronavirus. (Xinhua/Joaquín Hernández)

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The Right to Love

4 years ago CubaDebateCENESEX, Constitution, Equality, gender, gender inequality, LGBT, marriage
 

Translated by Walter Lippmann for CubaNews.

cuba-debate

The Right to Love

By Ania Terrero, Journalist of Cubadebate. Graduated in 2018 from the School of Communications at the University of Havana.Ania Terrero, 
Posted in: Genre Lyrics
In this article: CENESEX , Constitution of the Republic , Cuba , Gender Inequality , Discrimination , Family , Gender , Homophobia , LGBTI , Constitutional Reform , Sexuality , Gender Violence
March 7, 2021 | 183 | 
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Sexual diversity Photo: Peter Hershey / Valencia Education.

Before last February 14, Alberto searched for more than a week for a gift for his boyfriend. Someone told him about a private business where they customized handmade candles and he thought it would be a nice touch. He contacted the managers and asked if they could make one for him with their names. At first, there were no problems. They assured him that the service was available and he only had to send the details. However, everything changed when they noticed that their partner was a man. 

“They told me they were very sorry, but they could not solve me because they were a Christian business,” he tells this medium. They even suggested that he buy candles with hearts or any other romantic detail, but they completely refused to stamp the free love of a homosexual couple on one of their products.

Facts like this, real and more frequent than we suppose, show the discrimination that persists in Cuba in 2021 towards those who leave the heteronormative codes imposed. And it’s scary, because while many of us enjoy couples’ celebrations without major setbacks, people like Alberto and his boyfriend deal more than necessary with the limitations imposed by prejudices. That insistent reality, in short, lacerates.

For this reason alone, it is urgent to naturalize all sexual orientations and gender identities, the various designs of couple relationships and families. Regardless of their differences, all people deserve the same rights and duties. Recognizing this changing reality and translating it into the new Constitution was just the first step on a difficult path. Assuming these battles from the Family Code and other laws is the following, but it will not be easy. 

Although in recent years, thanks to the coherent and systematic work of institutions and activists, respect for sexual diversity has gained space, not a few stereotypes persist that can play a trick on the airs of change and inclusion. In a sexist society due to inheritance, prejudices still limit the full development of all people. This is confirmed by activists, researchers and those who experience it firsthand.

For Manuel Vázquez Seijido, deputy director of the National Center for Sex Education (Cenesex), the presence of homo-affective couples is not a new reality. “However, it is more visible after the issue of our sexuality was clearly introduced into the public agenda in the regulations, based on the discourse of educational and cultural institutions as well as many opinion leaders,” he explains to Cubadebate. 

The celebration since 2008 of the Cuban Week against Homophobia and Transphobia and the growing work of the media on these issues speak of a political will to advance on issues of equality and non-discrimination.

“More recently, since 2019, the constitutional regulation of family diversity that rests on the principle of equity, equality and non-discrimination has constituted the newest legal political support to defend the rights of this population group,” adds the deputy director of Cenesex.

From the perspective of Juan Carlos Gutiérrez Pérez, professor and researcher at the University of Las Villas, Cuba is moving towards respect and inclusion. Although there is an ancestral machismo dragged on for centuries, these struggles are gaining positions and visibility, both in the media and in the Cuban legal framework. 

In tune with this idea, the journalist Francisco Rodríguez Cruz [Paquito] believes that life in a couple of homosexual people is more and more frequent, without major setbacks, although some people experience their relationship as something very private and intimate, without making it known in their work or study center, and sometimes even in the family.

“They live the same difficulties that all couples have in relation to housing, which is a bit worse for
young people, when at home they are not allowed to establish a relationship with someone of the same gender, due to homophobia,” he explains. 

However, “it is curious the embarrassment that many people feel when approaching naturally with any colleague the relationship of this type of couple. They do not know how to ask about the partner, or they are embarrassed, sometimes they say “your partner”, or another formula that seeks not to hurt or attack, but it ends up being a different treatment”.

Anecdotes like these speak of the distance that remains to be covered towards total naturalization of sexual diversity. And on that path, unfortunately, prejudices abound. Discrimination against non-heterosexual people can occur in different spheres of life: in the family, in the community, in study or work centers. Its manifestations tend to discredit the legitimacy of their relationships, their work potential and their capacities to build functional families and raise children.

“There are many consequences,” Rodríguez Cruz points out, “depending on the assertiveness of the people involved in the relationship. Sometimes the non-acceptance of the family or among the circle of friends can be very painful for homosexual people, because they have to fight for a recognition that heterosexuality has per se. And that wears down, it can even undermine the love bond itself ”.

People in this population group also suffer the effects of rejection, teasing and harassment that range from insecurities and depression to more complex trauma that can even lead to self-deprecation and physical damage.

Gutiérrez Pérez comments that, despite the proven progress, many signs of discrimination against the LGBTI community persist. “From the lewd gaze, the malicious comment, the homophobic and transphobic harassment, to the denial of basic rights to consume certain products or services.” 

In parallel, alert, with the gradual increase of the private sector, there are cases where “business leaders feel they have the right to discriminate, due to their personal or religious positions.”

Teresa de Jesús Fernández, coordinator of the Lesbian and Bisexual Women’s Network, confirms latent discrimination. In his opinion, “the non-recognition of couples formed by people from this population group is a reality at all institutional, social, legislative and patrimonial levels.” 

“That there is no legal and social recognition of equal marriage and the recognition of LGBTI families implies that our unions and our families do not enjoy the same guarantees and the same rights as heterosexual people and causes legal and social inequity” , she adds.

Statistics confirm latent biases. The results of the National Survey on Gender Equality (ENIG-2016), developed by the National Office of Statistics and Information (ONEI) and the Women’s Studies Center of the Federation of Cuban Women (FMC), are revealing in this sense. 77 percent of the people questioned agreed that homosexual people should have the same rights as others.

However, only 49.1 percent agreed in part that they could marry. Meanwhile, about 50 percent of the sample was against homosexual couples, both women and men, although they with a slightly higher number, could adopt. Beyond general considerations, there is no consensus that these people have specific rights such as marriage or adoption.

It is clear that the fight for equal rights within families is of vital importance for the LGBTI community which, as a result of discrimination based on persistent sexual orientation in the country, suffers the most intense and direct consequences of not having laws to protect it. 

The causes of these numbers, although it may sound repetitive, lie in the macho culture that still marks us. “The culture and ideology of patriarchy that is transmitted and ratified throughout society and its institutions from the family, school, religion, laws, mass media are the cause that the LGBTI population continues to experience the violation of their rights,” said Teresa de Jesus Fernandez.

For the journalist Rodríguez Cruz also influences “the lack of visibility or sufficient positive examples in the media about natural interpersonal relationships with our partners, from heterosexuality.” 

In this context, the increase in recent years of currents of opinion linked to various fundamentalisms poses an extra challenge. “The advance of fundamentalist groups has contributed to strengthen the prejudices that are at the base of discrimination, and they have even tried to assemble a theoretical body from biology and Christian practice that sustains those prejudices,” Vázquez Seijido explains.

Fortunately, he said, there is an emergence of theologians, theologians and practitioners, not only from Christian practice, who offer other perspectives in tune with the values of social justice, equality and non-discrimination. 

Family Code, facing the challenge

The new Family Code will have among its main challenges recognizing marriage, and consensual union, as alternatives for living as a couple and as a family, without any discrimination in scope and without distinction based on sexual orientation. Related to this, it must establish guidelines so that homoparental, heterosexual families or with any other structure, have equal access to assisted human reproduction techniques and adoption.

In the opinion of Manuel Vázquez Seijido, the new code should contemplate the protection of these various forms of organization on a level of absolute equality, without superimposing one on the other. It is not by chance that the first change is the name of the document: from the Family Code, to the Family Code, in terms of plurality.

“The biggest challenge is the deconstruction of all that heterosexist, patriarchal, prejudicial mechanism of domination, which dismantles centuries of a culture of exclusion towards LGBTI people,” says Teresa de Jesús Fernández. 

In a country where discrimination against this population group is seen much more than it should , the prior debate and the approval in a referendum of the new Code implies other challenges. So that prejudices do not decide on the rights of all citizens, education and awareness-raising work is also necessary.

From Rodríguez Cruz’s perspective, another challenge lies in the low visibility of homosexual couples and LGBTI families in general. Many people maintain a low profile of their affections before society, “for which reason when defending those rights there is not always a firm, open and clear stance, even in people who are opinion leaders, leaders or others who they do not make those non-heterosexual couple ties transparent in a public way, as if they do their job or their professional duties. Perhaps they fear to appear activists, or they think that it is not necessary, or they underestimate the importance of being like any other heterosexual couple, “he highlights.

It is necessary, more than ever, to promote an education that transcends formal spaces and is committed to inclusiveness and respect for diversity. It is necessary to transcend the models imposed by a society that limits and suffocates its members when they do not comply with the established. Ultimately, it is about recognizing rights, social justice.

Facing the debate, Vázquez Seijido insists, it is necessary to mobilize all those people who are in tune with the construction of a fairer country. “I am referring to enhancing that capacity as citizens to participate in the consultation process in a critical way, turning each space of the nation into a space for raising awareness and then, during the referendum, inviting us to express our commitments and exercise our citizenship in pursuit of of equality and non-discrimination ”, he highlights.

Along this path, it is urgent to establish alliances between the media, institutions, schools and activists. Promoting respect for sexual diversity involves having laws that guarantee all rights for all people, but also by raising awareness of that need.

We must “educate at all levels from a gender perspective and from a comprehensive sexuality education, make our lives, families, unions visible in a respectful and non-judgmental way, carry out public good campaigns that raise awareness and deconstruct prejudices, include in the academic curricula of all levels of education and of all academic formations all the information necessary to train people with a humanistic and respectful culture without distinction of ethnicity, sex, gender and any type of prejudice that is harmful to human dignity ”, sums up Teresa by Jesús Fernández when we have the information.

It is about, time and again, defending everyone’s right to be, do and love, without absurd limitations.

 

 

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For March 8 (and beyond)

4 years ago GranmaWomen


For March 8 (and beyond)

In what way and where, by whom and with what effects do we construct the image of what a woman is? Better yet, in what way are the limits of what is considered – at a given moment in a particular society – possible for a woman to be and to project?

Author: Víctor Fowler | internet@granma.cu
Date March 10, 2021

Translated and edited by Walter Lippmann for CubaNews.

A friend of mine posts on her Facebook wall a comment in which she regrets what she considers to be an example of insufficient diversity in the images that, on the television screen, were used to present (and represent) Cuban women in the celebration of March 8. My friend is black, with a deeply dark skin tone.

Here’s a topic, I say to myself, and then I remember that years ago I wrote an article for the newspaper Juventud Rebelde about the transformations that -in terms of beauty standards- had taken place in the country since the years of my childhood.

The article focused on the perceptions and meanings of black people’s hair and hairstyle and, on this basis, proposed assessments in which racism and freedom, the hidden mechanisms of domination and the battles of the subjects in search of their real emancipation were confronted.

After that I wrote two other articles, which were not published at the time:. The first aimed to analyze the connections between obesity, beauty and social control; the other took as its motif the case of a woman in England who had announced on her personal website that she would stop shaving her legs and who – from then on – began to receive dozens (eventually hundreds) of denigrating messages, some of which contained threats to her physical integrity.

How and where, by whom and with what effects do we construct the image of what a woman is? Better yet, in what way are the limits of what is considered – at a given moment in a particular society – possible for a woman to be and project? What participation do we have, even those of us who are willing to swear that we are not part of the process, in the infinite number of actions through which this “ideal” of what is supposedly feminine is molded?

This inevitably leads us to understand (and propose for debate) not only the responsibility in the production, distribution, control and consumption of images, but to lead us to a point where we are forced to ask ourselves: What have we done or do? What role do we play in the various forms and scenarios in which actions of micro-oppression of women are manifested?

Another friend tells me about the time when, at the exact moment of wearing a new dress for a night out she was looking forward to, she discovered -just as she arrived at the place- that the rush had made her mix up the ornaments and that she had put on two different earrings. She doesn’t know how much she taught me and I learned from her response when, contemplating her face in the mirror of a bathroom on-site, she said to herself: “it doesn’t matter: you are the fashion”.

I admire that way of not obeying the dictates of a codified norm, which pretends to define what you are in a perverse game, where visuality is supposed to make transparent the moral condition of the person and even her history itself. I admire that inner strength and will to self-affirmation.

A third friend uses her menstrual emissions, exactly that which, in a more evident way, transmits the “weakness” or “flaw” of the woman, to create -with that intimately personal matter- works of art. As in the previous example, the logic that presides over the action is that of the search for and expression of the most absolute freedom.

What is a woman, where is she, what are her limits, how is she represented/presented?

The face perfectly aligned with the Hellenic beauty patterns or the very dark skin accompanied by thick lips and a wide and flattened nose; the youthful figure that communicates agility and the other that moves with effort due to age; the straight hair, the implants, the straightening under the effect of keratin, the hair in the form of “afro”, in the so-called “carreritas” or in long and powerful “drelos”; the thin or overabundant, obese contour; the gesture of a dapper style or with a wider arc in the movement of the hands; the image of a “traditional” femininity (in which ideals of “fragility”, “delicacy” and “sensuality” prevail) or the reverse of the “masculinized” female, which is usually attributed to the lesbian; with tattoos, “piercings”, hair dyed in unusual colors (green, blue, orange): it’s all women.

Peasant women, highly skilled professionals, housewives, workers in an industry or construction site, we need images of the most extraordinary diversity possible to “refresh” our images and approach women, ask questions, get closer to their struggles, offer them solidarity and push together with them the limits of presence, representation and participation in new worlds.

And that is what a Revolution is: a new world.

I end with a personal story. A few years ago my children Kenneth, Karen and I got tattoos. On that occasion the one that my wife dreams of for herself was left pending: the Elvish word for FREE.

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Mujica backs Cuban doctors for Nobel

4 years ago CubaDebatecoronavirus, Covid-19, health, José "Pepe" Mujica, Latin America, SARS-CoV-2, Uruguay, virus, Viruses

cuba-debate

Pepe Mujica: “It is an honor to support the candidacy for the Nobel Peace Prize for Cuban doctors”.

By Maribel Acosta Damas. Cuban journalist, specialized in Television. She is a professor at the Faculty of Journalism of the University of Havana and holds a PhD in Communication Sciences.
March 12, 2021

Translated and edited by Walter Lippmann for CubaNews.

Pepe Mujica, Minister of Livestock and Agriculture in the first government of Tabaré Vázquez in 2005 and then President of Uruguay between 2010 and 2015. Photo: Resumen Latinoamericano.

There is an old proverb used in Cuba: “God protects innocence”. So it seems with this interview, after all… Weeks preparing it with José Mujica, former Uruguayan president, tupamaro, guerrilla leader of the Frente Amplio. The man with nine bullets in his body, the one who was imprisoned for 13 years, the one who after the dictatorship continued contributing to his country and became Minister of Livestock and Agriculture in the first government of Tabaré Vázquez in 2005 and then President of Uruguay between 2010 and 2015; the one who is married all his life to Lucía Topolansky, also a guerrilla and current senator. The President during the passage of three transcendental laws: Legalization of abortion (2012), Legalization of equal marriage (2013), Legalization of the production and sale of marijuana (2013). During his government, poverty was reduced to 12 %, inequality decreased, allowed an economic growth of 75 % and important social investments in health and science were launched….
 
…Pepe Mujica was waiting for me this March 8, 2021. He is among the many Uruguayan personalities in science and politics who have nominated and support the candidacy of the Cuban doctors for the Nobel Peace Prize. Once again the bridge between Havana and the Chacra de Montevideo. However, this time the communications were fatal: the whatsapp call dropped again and again… but we did not give up. In the end, on the other side of the line there was a guerrilla fighter and on this side, a Cuban woman… What a duo we got together!
 
Pepe Mujica-. Hello, how are you? Nice to greet you, my dear!
 
Maribel Acosta Damas-. Hello! Very well! Nice to hear you too! How are you feeling?
 
PM-. Very well! All in good health…So far so good…..
 
MAD-. Today is International Women’s Day. Chance has wanted this day to be the day of our conversation….
 
PM-. Yes. This is a long process, it will still take some years to get out of the patriarchal society because it is a cultural problem and it is more difficult to change a cultural condition than a material one, but some progress is being made…
 
MAD-. In the midst of this complex time, how have you handled the pandemic?
 
PM-. At the beginning, we were coping quite well, but now it is getting very complicated. They have just started to vaccinate but we are very late and it is very bad in Brazil and this is affecting us to some extent… MAD-. What is the lesson we are learning from the pandemic?
 
MAD- What lesson is the pandemic teaching us? With respect to the lifestyle behaviors, you have talked so much about?
 
PM-. It makes it very clear that we are in a world where everyone gets by as best they can. It seems that everyone has decided to get by as they can and instead of assuming a collective global attitude, it is the opposite; and then the poor area of the world is going to pay a higher price and we are going to go out into a world that is going to be poorer, but it does not seem that solidarity is multiplying in the world in which we live. That is not fixed by the market.
 
MAD-. How can it be fixed then?
 
PM-. It will be fixed as always, by paying a sacrifice fee that could have been avoided. The pandemic also makes clear the importance of public health. There is no doubt about it. Here at the beginning of the pandemic, we managed quite well because our government spent a high percentage on health and that helped the country, but the average of what Latin America spends is only 3 points and a bit of GDP. Then, at the moment of truth, medical services collapsed everywhere, the installed capacity was poor because it is believed that the market is going to fix everything.

And countries have to have a good public service because you never know when there will be a fire and if public goods are not built in a stratified society, the market will respond to those who have purchasing power and the rest will have to suffer twice as much. The construction of public goods by the State mitigates social differences. Otherwise, those who have money will manage, those who do not have money will hardly be able to manage.
 
MAD-. In this scenario, you have expressed your public support to the candidacy for the Nobel Peace Prize to the Cuban medical contingent Henry Reeve?
 
PM-. Of course! It has been a very noble task in the world over the years. How could I not support it! It has been one of the most important gestures you can think of in terms of effective solidarity from a small country with enormous difficulties, which has contributed to humanity everywhere. And that’s why I think it is a very worthy thing….
 
MAD-. You, who know about these networks… what do you think? Will they give it to you?
 
PM-. Ummm…! I don’t know… I am suspicious… but it is an honor to support the candidacy for the Nobel Peace Prize for the Cuban doctors…
 

Photo taken from Cubaenresumen.org

MAD-. How is your relationship with Cuba, Pepe?
 
PM-. Now I don’t go out of my house… I haven’t been there for a long time but… the Cuban people are very open, they are a paragon of communication, friendship, solidarity service, human relations, joy of life… And the Cubans perhaps don’t realize it themselves… and our relations have very old roots… How can we not love them!
 
MAD- You knew Fidel Castro, didn’t you?
 
PM-. Of course! Obviously, I met him. I met him a few times. We talked a lot. We talked about agriculture, pastures, livestock… the last time I was with him he was already very old… I remember he made me drink sheep’s milk yogurt! And we were talking about a leguminous plant they had brought and he wanted it to reproduce because he thought it could be useful for cattle feeding in a tropical country. We talked at length, because I was Minister of Livestock and Agriculture in the first government of Tabaré Vázquez in 2005… we talked for a long time about these issues….
 
MAD-. What did you think of Fidel?
 
PM-. Fidel was a colossal figure. He shook my era. The first time I was in Cuba I heard him give a speech that lasted eight or nine hours. There were a million people there! It rained twice and the sun came out and that man was still speaking! Impressive! Hahahahahahahahahaha….
 
 
MAD-. You also talk a lot about Che… in your house there is a portrait of Che… did you see him when you were in Uruguay in 1961? Lucía Topolansky told me that she went to see him in Montevideo when he gave a conference whose moderator was Salvador Allende…
 
PM-. Yes, I was there. And I saw him in Punta del Este. In those days I was in a delegation of young guys who marched on foot from Montevideo to Punta del Este. The first time I talked to him was in Havana at the Chaplin Theater at the beginning of the Revolution….
 
… (communication interrupted!!!!! Phew! I ask him where he is. He tells me that he is locked in the kitchen of the house… I ask him to move outside to see if he can improve the coverage, where Lucía was when I interviewed her a few days ago… He does it… Nice Pepe!!!!… simple and great man!)
 
PM-... Now I am out in the open!!!!… Ahhhhh!!!! I have just been informed that Lula’s cases have been withdrawn!
 
MAD-. What great news! What do you think about this?
 
PM-. It is fashionable in Latin America to judicialize politics. Now Lula will be in better conditions for the political struggle. It is important because of what Brazil means and, besides, he could be a candidate again… of course it means the importance of popular mobilization around causes… indeed… In a country hit at this moment like no other by the pandemic, with the danger of the appearance of new strains of the virus that can complicate the lives of them and the rest of Latin Americans… I hope this news about Lula will help…
 
MAD-. Let’s go back to your meeting with Che in Havana at the beginning of the Revolution…
 
PM-. We were many young guys, in a greeting meeting… As a young man, I remember well that he was wearing military pants half rolled up on one side and not on the other… Che was very touching! I also remember that he had a somewhat acid humor, typical of the Rio de la Plata. I remember that here when he saw the beaches of Uruguay he said: “It will not occur to them to make the Revolution in summer in Uruguay with these beaches !!!!!”…

In my living room I have a picture of Che, and I have his letters in my memoirs, in a notebook. It turned out that Evo Morales wanted to make a faithful reproduction of Che’s wallet in the Bolivian guerrilla, the last one he had. Evo Morales had it made as a gift to his friends, and I have it. Inside there is also the facsimile copy of the campaign diary and a notebook… I keep it hanging… and I always show it to them when they come to visit. Che is still there. For us, it is an indelible attitude, no matter how much time goes by…
 

José “Pepe” Mujica and Lucía Topolansky at the Uruguayan ambassador’s residence in Havana, January 25, 2015. Photo: William Silveira Mora

MAD-. You have said that we are gregarious and utopian animals… do you still have utopias?
 
PM-. Studying a little anthropology, I have seen that in every age human beings have always invented something to believe in. And why did that always happen everywhere? It is the history of humanity, because human beings need to believe in something… And my utopia is the possibility of helping to build a little better world. There is no goal to reach. The real goal is the path, the struggle for meaning in human life. To be born is a chance. So we have to give meaning to life… inherent to human life, there is much that we receive when we are born.
We receive the inheritance of what is called civilization, which is intergenerational solidarity, which has been handed down through centuries and centuries, from the first discoveries to those who are working today in molecular biology.

We receive all this when we are born. So we have to try to leave something behind for those who will come after us. The world will not improve if there are no people who are concerned about its improvement. The world improves because of the work of people who make an effort.
 
MAD-. You have also said that if there is no intellectual honesty everything else is useless… Why do we need intellectual honesty today?
 
PM-. To get as close as we can to the truth because otherwise, if we remain prisoners of the consumer culture, of the market culture, we are going to confuse being with having… I can have many things and be frankly worse…
 
MAD-. Everyone is impressed by the fact that you have the same things as always: the old bicycle from 60 years ago, the car of the 1980s, the house you’ve lived in all your life… This detachment of yours for material things comes from where, from your poor childhood or from more than a decade in prison… from where?
 
PM-. It comes from a way of looking at life and the world… Look, think… this wasteful civilization is only destroying and will end up with an ecological collapse. We don’t need so many things to live. And we are harming nature because of our wastefulness. I’m not going to fix the world, but at least I’m trying to do my part?
 

Pepe Mujica gives an interview to Randy Alonso Falcón for the Round Table, Havana, January 25, 2016. Photo: William Silveira Mora

MAD-. And related to that, you have also talked about addictions, that the only addiction in the world worthwhile is love, because the rest are all plagues….
 
PM- Of course! Love is the lever of life. But let’s not get into philosophizing about it. Love is something that walks and exists. It doesn’t need definitions…
 
MAD- And how was your love with Lucia?
 
PM-. Ahhhhh perfect, perfect! Every age has its keys. It has passion and all its stages. At my age, it is a sweet and beautiful habit!
 
(In another interview, he tells a colleague: “Lucia lives plugging the holes, organizing. From time to time, she makes time to cook a pizzita, there is a feminine face of the event that if it does not exist, we are lost… It was a discovery that in a stage of life we found each other…”).
 
MAD-. When you said goodbye to the Senate in October 2020, you said that you were kicked out by the pandemic and a disease that has no cure. Do you mean that this was the end of your political life?
 
PM-. No. My political life will be as long as I am alive. As long as I am alive I will think and do something… hahahahahahahaha… But I do not want to take place because new wine must be put in old wineskins. There must be renewal…
 
MAD-. Why do you like talking to young people so much?
 
PM-. Because young people have a crisis of lack of grandparents, because the family has changed and grandparents are in nursing homes… old people are very absent. When you read The Iliad you must have noticed that the most awaited speech was that of Nestor, the legendary king of Pylos, the oldest man. In ancient times the only way to accumulate a little wisdom was to live.

Now there is the internet, there is the university, so it is as if the old people are superfluous, they are left over… It is a world that only wants young people, absolutely young, and then the old men and women disguise themselves to look younger. They all want to be young and they revoke themselves: they dye their hair, they remove wrinkles, they bother with fatness… in short…

Old people are on the way to being discarded. However, sometimes old people see farther because they have lived longer and if they are not yet crippled they have the function of trying to tell things to younger people that probably they are not going to understand them at that moment, but one day they will realize that they did not see part of reality… In Asian villages there is a great reverence for old people, but in Western villages there is no reverence. That is why it is good to retire…

The former Uruguayan president is known for his modest lifestyle and direct speech. Photo: EFE

 
MAD-. … but you are very popular among young people, including young Cubans?
 
PM-. What also happens is that I talk to young people. Young people are ashamed to talk about certain things. Those in their forties, fifties don’t talk about falling in love, about people falling in love and people suffering… about those little big things in life that are central. And young people are also concerned about those things. And I tell young people also to give meaning to life… because you can’t squander your life. It is better to live with sobriety and to have time to cultivate affection….
 
(…in the midst of the bad communications, Pepe has to go to his meeting, his companions are already at home… he gets on the phone again to say goodbye…)
 
PM-. A hug to the Cubans! A dear hug! In my country we say, whenever it rained, it stopped! And in the end you have to bet on life! I salute you for the effort of the vaccines and I hope that the Sovereign will be walking around Latin America! See you soon !!!!
 
(José Mujica, El Pepe, is 86 years old. He lives in the same simple and humble house he has always lived in the outskirts of Montevideo. He farms the land. During the Covid-19 pandemic, he and his wife, Senator Lucía Topolansky, are part of the Committees to support the poor neighborhoods of Montevideo, sending food they grow on their farm. In the chacra they also hold formal meetings with their comrades in struggle and work, according to Lucia herself, taking all measures to take care of themselves… El Pepe also talks on the phone with Latin American leaders and political leaders. La Chacra continues to be, why not, a center of utopia on this side of the world… and beyond…)
 
(Taken from Resumen Latinoamericano )

 

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A Brief Analysis of the Current Moment

4 years ago TranslationsAmuchastegui
  • English
  • Español

A Brief Analysis of the Current Moment
by Domingo Amuchastegui

February 18, 2021

A CubaNews translation. Edited by Walter Lippmann.

For some time now I have insisted that we are in the presence of the gestation of what I have called “Navalny’s route a la Cubana.” Understand well “a la cubana.” What do I mean by this? We are in the presence -without the mass component so far seen in Russia or a more effective figure than Navalny- of the maturation of concerted initiatives on both shores -and with financing and sponsorship from the side here- in order to achieve the crystallization of a current or movement capable of negatively impacting the image of the Cuban Revolution, or what is left of it at this point, with its [consequent] costs both internally and externally.

To the well-known components of extreme aggravation of the crisis of the Cuban model (proven inoperative in the economic field, the sixty-year old embargo was turned into an economic war by Trump plus the multiple effects and costs of the pandemic), we must now add other no less important ones.

On an international scale, Navalny’s route is defined as the most influential -and most encouraged- option to erode the Putin option from the US and the EU. In the Cuban case, it is primarily aimed at weakening the international credibility of the Cuban government and at fostering internally superior schemes of agitation and confrontation that will increase to levels never seen before the levels of unrest and discontent in broad sectors of society with a tendency to the hypothesis of socio-political explosions of the kind called “Maleconazo”.

The following factors favor such a scenario:

a. The unprecedented levels of the current crisis;

b. There is no way out or improvement in the short or medium-term;

c. The gravitation of the “Miami” factor has grown as never before;

d. And, an extremely novel and influential factor: the accelerated computerization in recent times with its links through social networks now create levels of information and communication that escape any attempt to control or annul them.

We are not now facing the projects of the Cuban-American Foundation, the Ladies in White, Payá, etc., etc., which were exhausted and defeated in the long road from the ’90s to date. The so-called San Isidro Movement may resemble some of those old attempts, but it is now inscribed in a different perspective. Even more so are the incidents in front of the Ministry of Culture in terms of defiance and larger participation.

Episodes like this were unimaginable in the 90s. Now they are there and, eventually, [will be] called-upon to continue and multiply. A singular fact, by way of a novel milestone, is the Patria y Vida episode, which cannot be underestimated in the least, both for its content and its effects.

It would be a serious mistake to approach these novel contexts with the usual media disqualifications, police operations or violent actions (not to mention the rapid response brigades). The moment is essentially different and demands from the Cuban authorities entirely different economic-social, political, and media responses to neutralize these tendencies and re-establish, as far as possible, greater legitimacy.

And from all of the above -in order to interrupt the “Cuban Navalny route”- the so-called “historical exiles” based in Miami, and those in Washington who seek to prevent or reduce as much as possible the resumption of the process of normalization of bilateral relations, with greater or lesser effectiveness, may or may not benefit. Now the bases that are being configured tend to favor the most negative schemes in this direction.

Un breve análisis del momento actual

Por Domingo Amuchastegui
18 de febrero 2021
De un tiempo a esta parte he insistido en que estamos en presencia de la gestación de lo que he llamado “la ruta de Navalny a la cubana,” entiéndase bien “a la cubana.” ¿Qué quiero decir con esto? Estamos en presencia -sin el comnponente de masas hasta ahora que se ha visto en Rusia ni una figura más eficaz que Navalny- de la maduración de iniciativas concertada en ambas orillas -y con financiamiento y auspicio del lado de acá- a fin de lograr la cristalización de una corriente o movimiento capaz de impactar negativamente la imagen de la Revolución cubana o lo que queda de ella a esta altura, con sus costos tanto internos como externos.

A los conocidos componentes de agudización extrema de la crisis del modelo cubano (probadamente inoperante en lo económico, el embargo sexagenario convertido en guerra económica por Trump más los múltiples efectos y costos de la pandemia), hay que añadir ahora otros no menos importantes. A escala internacional la ruta de Navalny se define como la opción más influyente -y más alentada- para erosionar la opción Putin desde EEUU y la UE. En el caso cubano se enfila primordialmente a debilitar la credibilidad internacional del Gobierno cubano y de fomentar a lo interno esquemas superiores de agitación y confrontación que agiganten a niveles nunca antes vistos los niveles de malestar y descontento en amplios sectores de la sociedad con tendencia a la hipótesis de explosiones socio-políticas del corte del llamado “Maleconazo.” Favorecen semejante escenario: a. Los niveles sin precedentes de la crisis actual; b. No avizorarse una salida o mejoría a corto ni mediano plazo; c. La gravitación del factor “Miami” ha crecido como nunca antes; d. Y un factor en extremo novedoso e influyente: la informatización acelerada en estos últimos tiempos con sus enlaces por medio de las redes sociales crean ahora niveles de información y comunicación que escapan a cualquier intento por controlarlas o anularlas.

No estamos ahora frente a los proyectos de la Fundación Cubano-Americano, de las Damas de Blanco, Payá, etc., etc. los que quedaron agotados y derrotados en el largo camino de los 90 hasta la fecha. El llamado Movimiento San Isidro puede parecerse a algunos de esos viejos intentos, pero se inscribe ahora en una perspectiva diferente. Lo son más todavía los incidentes ante el Ministerio de Cultura en términos de desafío y participación más numerosa. Episodios así era inimaginables en los 90. Ahora están ahí y, eventualmente, llamados a continuar y multiplicarse. Un hecho singular, a manera de novedoso hito, es el episodio de Patria y Vida, que no puede subestimarse en lo más mínimo tanto por su contenido como por sus efectos. Craso error será abordar estos novedosos contextos con las descalificaciones mediáticas habituales, operativos policiales o acciones violentas (para no recordar las brigadas de respuesta rápida). El momento es esencialmente diferente y demanda de parte de las autoridades cubanas respuestas económico-sociales, políticas y mediáticas enteramente diferentes que neutralicen estas tendencias y restablezcan en lo posible una mayor legitimidad.

Y de todo lo anterior -a fin de interrumpir “la ruta de Navalny a la cubana”- podrán o no beneficiarse el llamado “exilio histórico” asentado en Miami y aquellos que en Washington buscan impedir o reducir al máximo el que se retome con mayor o menor eficacia el proceso de normalización de las relaciones bilaterales y ahora las bases que se están configurando tienden a favorecer los esquemas más negativos en esta dirección.

¿Qué les parece? Sería útil compartir estas apreciaciones con algunos amigos por allá…

Un abrazo,
Chomin

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Interview with Adriana Pérez

4 years ago TranslationsAdriana, Cuban Five, Gerardo


Interview with Adriana Pérez
I live proud of being a woman and Cuban 

By Magaly Cabrales – Cuba | lajiribilla@cubarte.cult.cu 

Translated and edited by Walter Lippmann for CubaNews.

Adriana Pérez Oconor has been a chemical engineer since 1995. She currently works at the Food Industry Research Institute and holds a master’s degree in that specialty. But it is not precisely her professional performance, nor her outstanding work as a deputy to the National Assembly of People’s Power, in the period between 2013 and 2018, that is the essential purpose of this interview.
 
This woman, with whom we talked a few days before the celebration of March 8, went from despair to the absolute happiness she lives today, in the company of her three children -Gema, Ámbar and Gerardito- and her husband Gerardo Hernández Nordelo. This happiness, however, was preceded by an anguishing road, which she only managed to travel clinging to the courage inherited from Mariana, Celia, Haydée and Vilma, among many other courageous Cuban women.
 
 

“As time goes by, you gather strength, willpower, resources and energy to face the new challenges that life imposes on you”. Photos: Courtesy of the interviewee. Taken from the family album

 
What was your reaction when you learned of Gerardo’s real mission in the United States?
 
When Gerardo left Cuba for the United States we were already married and just when he was arrested, in 1994, we had been together ten years. I was finishing the last year of my career through a course for workers, since I was working at the Tenería Habana company at the time.
 
The knowledge of Gerardo’s real mission was really shocking for me, a great surprise. He was doing a master’s degree in a Latin American country linked to his diplomatic career and I never knew about his mission until the whole network was discovered and its members arrested. When he was arrested, he had been in the United States for about four years. When I learned of his arrest, I learned of something that I never even suspected, nor did I imagine that he could be linked to this type of activity, to alleged espionage as initially commented on in the news that the radio stations in Florida were broadcasting. It was the only public information that was given at that time. I confess that literally, my whole world turned upside down. It was actually a mixture of emotions, because at first I had to assimilate the news. And second, how I would face a totally uncertain and unflattering future?
 
On the other hand, there was the family situation. Gerardo’s mother was alive and completely unaware of the activities of her youngest and only son. In that same year she had lost a daughter and for her this news would be too strong a blow, even much harder. In other words, the news, in addition to having a personal impact, also had an impact from the family point of view. This meant that I had to prepare myself psychologically for the role I had to play from that moment on. This information had to be kept secret and assumed in silence, which demanded from me all my effort, all my creativity, all the sentimental resources I could call upon. 
 
From that moment on, I was obliged to impose myself on a world that I knew from the beginning was very difficult to bear. Many times I have been asked how I managed to do it and I have never been able to give an answer because I still don’t know how I did it. But I think that as time goes by, one gathers strength, will, resources and energy to face the new challenges that life imposes on you. And to face those challenges with emotional balance, I began to create a kind of armor that would allow me to live in tune with what was happening and at the same time assume what was coming. I was always convinced that it would be a very complicated road to walk, especially if we take into account how relations between Cuba and the United States have been historically.
 
At no time, however, did I stop working and, on the contrary, I was looking for things that would occupy my mind, that would not allow me to worry. I finished my master’s degree and began to study language, studies in which, although I never prospered, kept me mentally busy. At that stage, the most difficult thing for me as a person, as a human being, was the role I had to assume with respect to Gerardo’s family. He always had a very close relationship with his mother. He had inherited her nobility and sense of humor. 
 
For me, it was a great responsibility to try to cover his absence. And I had to lie, lie a lot, something that is an element that was never before part of my personality, that I never before conceived in my behavior. I lied to everybody, I had to evade comments, to remain silent all the time and that was terrible. In fact, I was never able to achieve it and, although half-heartedly, I was revealing some parts of the truth that I kept hidden from people close to me, such as my mother, who from the beginning of our relationship felt great affection for Gerardo. 
 
Of course, all our dreams, illusions, plans, were shattered, shattered. I was left with only two options: I could let the fact of knowing about Gerardo’s activities crush me, or I could start from the new conditions. Either I would feel like dying, giving up everything I had lived, everything I had, everything that had made me happy and that I admired, or I would start to walk this new path, dragging the sack where I had thrown everything that had broken, except love, which was the only thing that remained intact. I decided on the second option and began to adapt my plans in correspondence with the great challenges that the new circumstances brought with them.
 
And from that decision I set goals. The most important thing was to reach the end, even though I never knew when it would be. But I decided to reach that end with the necessary emotional balance to stay strong and, at the same time, to take care of all the fronts I had open, which were to attend to my work responsibilities and to give emotional support to both families, especially Gerardo’s. I also tried to remain socially active in the community. I also tried to remain socially active and maintain good physical and mental health.
 

“Gerardo always taught me that: live each day as if it were your last. And that’s what I did.”

During the relentless struggle for the Five’s release, did you ever feel alone?

I always had the extraordinary support of all these people. I also had the valuable support of my family, of the families of the Five, that we became one. I had the same support from my friends -who are many and very valuable- and from my co-workers, who, when Gerardo’s situation became public, helped me even more. It was my colleagues who assumed my absences when I participated in the solidarity campaigns in favor of the Five, in the meetings held inside and outside Cuba. They made an effort to keep the work going, taking care of my image as head of the production department. We became a great team. 

Of great importance was also the support I received from Dr. Jesús Llanes Querejeta, who was my boss at the time. Professionally I learned a lot from him, as well as from his intelligence, discipline and optimism. 

I cannot hide the fact that I had several moments of weakness. In that first stage of silence, which in my opinion was the most difficult, I experienced very hard, sad and painful moments. This does not mean that when our Government made the information publicly and officially known, my moods become better, but the situation became a little more bearable. There were days, for example, when I did not know how I was going to get up and if I got up I did not know how to walk. In public, I always showed great strength, but when I got home and closed the door, that strength left me, and once again I saw before I felt great despair. All the armor that I had forged, that I kept outside, disappeared. In those moments, loneliness, nostalgia, uncertainty and longing took hold of me. However, I quickly thought: if out there, in the Cuban streets and not a few in the world, there are thousands of people who are not family of the Five, who probably do not even know them and are demanding their freedom, how can I, who am the wife of one of them, be weak?
 
That thought forced me to get up, to get going again. And so day after day I searched for resources to cling to when I was alone. Publicly I could not, it was not fair for me to show the slightest sign of weakness, when there was, I repeat, an entire people who, moved by their patriotism, humanism, solidarity, demanded the right of their children to be in their homeland. In reality I lived through very, very difficult moments, very sad, even in some international events, which became repetitive and I almost never saw a light as a sign of progress. Many people who participated in those events did not understand that we did not tell a story, but that we lived that story, that we were part of it.
 
How did you deal with the two life sentences unjustly and arbitrarily imposed on Gerardo? 

I learned Gerardo’s sentence immediately because kind people present at the trial informed me of it. I think it was a problem of temperament, of character, or that it was already difficult for me to be surprised by something, that could make me collapse, but the truth is that the judge’s verdict did not alarm me. The trial was held in 2001 and the sentence was pronounced at the end of that same year. I already knew, from the verdict of guilty on all charges initially handed down, that the sentence would be far from lenient and I prepared myself for life imprisonment, but never for the death penalty. And since I always kept that sentence in mind, I began to analyze what could happen next. Without having it written down, I mentally made a kind of chronogram, or goal, where I had programmed: I have the strength to wait until he completed the full sentence, and after it I would have to create new things to stick to for myself. I also had six months between the trial and the final sentence, which allowed me to draw up a strategy and the steps I had to follow.
 
During that time, some things happened: between June and December, we prepared a video that we respectfully sent to the judge. In that recording we referred, from the humanitarian point of view, who they were, highlighting their values. During that period, the terrorist attack on the Twin Towers also took place. And a letter to the American people had also been made public, acknowledging that the Five had never harmed the people of the United States.
 
There were two possibilities: one, that they tried to prevent acts like the one that happened in the Twin Towers, and two, that people like them could prepare actions of this type. In the end, we think that the judge leaned toward the second possibility because of the very strict, harsh and arbitrary verdict she issued. The judge’s behavior allowed me to prepare myself for the tougher, more complex scenario. For me, it meant the same for one or two life sentences, because we always agreed that until the last one came out, we would continue our battles, our campaigns.
 
The conviction was not a surprise to me, it was not shocking like the first news I had received related to Gerardo’s activities. In fact, I did not cry that day. I had already prepared myself sentimentally to endure it. I was fully aware that both Gerardo and his comrades were innocent of the charges against them; but the sentences were not for them, they were simply aimed at punishing the people of Cuba. It was demonstrated that in every conviction, particularly Gerardo’s, there was a political rather than a legal component.  
 
Sustained by the resolution that I had to reach the end, I adapted my actions to the new reality that I had to face. The situation was much more complex and to be up to it, our struggle had to be political and public. That would be the way. I remember that one day I told my mother-in-law: it doesn’t matter that I am 80 years old, I am going to wait for him, I am going to receive him mentally healthy. And that’s what I did after the sentence. There was no way and no matter what happened I could weaken, and I began to be stricter with myself, I had to demand myself in correspondence with the new events that arose after the trial and I think that was what hurt me the most.

My life strategy was to prepare for the future day by day, even though I had no idea when it was going to come. But I still did what I could every day. Gerardo always taught me that: live each day as if it were your last. And that’s what I did, even though I felt that all the sentimental burden I was carrying was hardening me. I got so hard that I reached the last stage of the campaign terribly exhausted from a sentimental point of view. Despite that exhaustion, I found the strength to welcome Gerardo, Ramon and Tony when they finally arrived in their homeland on December 17, 2014.

 
Even though Gerardo’s case was the most difficult and tangled to resolve judicially, you decided to become a mother. Why?
 
The truth is that I had no plans to have a child. Within the life strategy that I had outlined for myself since 2001, with the arrest of Gerardo and his companions, and later his two life sentences, with no possibility of visits, meetings, the reinforced intention of the U.S. government to keep him separated, I totally discarded the idea of being a mother, because, in addition to all this, there was a biological clock on my side that had to be taken into account.
 
Gerardo was the one who supported this dream of being a parent the most. So out of respect, because I thought he really deserved it, I changed my mind. Although it was really more of a mutual agreement. He thought that for me as a woman it would be very sad not to become a mother and he felt responsible for it. While for my part, I was thinking about the happiness that having a child would bring him in the midst of his confinement.
 
Also, many members of the campaign urged us to have a child, we were a young couple and therefore we had that right. Several people were sensitized to this idea, in Cuba and abroad. Among those who supported us the most were Vilma and Raul, creators of a beautiful family. Also Olguita [Salanueva], René’s wife, a very sensitive person and mother. Meanwhile, my biological clock kept ticking.
 
It was in those days that Gerardo wrote his letter “To the children who are about to be born”. That made me so sensitive that I decided to undergo an in vitro insemination, which was not even widely performed in Cuba. My eggs were saved so that one day they could be inseminated. In a conversation with U.S. Senator Patrick Leahy, who was visiting Havana with his wife, I mentioned to him that Gerardo and I had been deprived of so many rights that we could not even have a child, which is the greatest aspiration of a married couple. He, however, was the father of four children, in addition to having grandchildren and even great-grandchildren. Apparently, my words touched him deeply and he became one of the most supportive foreigners. When sometime later I was told that everything was ready to begin the process of assisted reproduction, I thought it was a trick, another mockery of the U.S. government. But no, there she is, our first daughter, our Gema.
 
 

“Just because of the perseverance (…) that characterizes Cuban women, I managed to get here with all my dreams turned into a beautiful reality”.

 
From what you have lived, from your own experiences, what do you think of Cuban women?
 
In that sense, the first thing I need to say is that I feel tremendously proud to be a woman and a Cuban woman. I very, very proud. In our campaigns in favor of the Five, carried out in Cuba and abroad, we always count on the immense support precisely of the women’s organization. The Federation of Cuban Women, through its eternal president Vilma Espín, opened the doors so that we could proclaim our truth in any scenario, even in the most complex ones. In those events and meetings, through our voices, Cuban women spoke.
 
I believe that women are the central axis of the family and we have achieved that through our lineage. We have an iron will, unbreakable, brave and determined to face and overcome any obstacle, to reach the proposed goal. Just because of the perseverance and perseverance that characterizes Cuban women, I managed to get here with all my dreams turned into a beautiful reality.
 
When I speak of Cuban women, the example of world record holder Ana Fidelia Quirot, who was able to overcome her accident and return to competition, immediately comes to mind. In the same way, I think of those scientists, in general of all those women in the health sector, who remain in the danger zones in the confrontation with the COVID. They constantly risk their lives to save the lives of others. A very important role is also played by housewives, who, like all women, with their daily chores, with a simple smile, with that healthy and spontaneous vanity, beautify everything that surrounds us.

“Today, she says excitedly, she is immensely happy because ‘I have Gerardo and my children by my side'”.  Photo: Taken from the Facebook profile GEMA – from Cuba.

The first Latin American woman to receive the Silver Dove trophy, awarded by the Russian Federation, Adriana Pérez is also the recipient, like the other wives of the Five Heroes of the Republic of Cuba, of the 23 de Agosto, Ana Betancourt and Mariana Grajales medals. Today, she says with emotion, she is immensely happy because “I have Gerardo and my children by my side. But I would never have been able to reach this moment, which I could not even dream of years ago, if I had not had the support, the great and selfless support of hundreds of thousands of people, who from the most remote corners of Cuba and the world, fought, as much as we did, for the release and return of the Five. To them, to those who unfortunately are no longer with us, to my family, friends, neighbors and co-workers, my sincere and eternal gratitude.

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